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Non-intervention in the Spanish Civil War : ウィキペディア英語版
Non-intervention in the Spanish Civil War

During the Spanish Civil War, several countries followed a principle of non-intervention, which would result in the signing of the Non-Intervention Agreement in August 1936 and the setting up of the Non-Intervention Committee, which first met in September. Primarily arranged by the French and British governments, important members of the committee also included the Soviet Union, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Ultimately, the committee had the support of 24 nations.
A plan to control materials coming into the country was put forward in early 1937, effectively subjecting the Spanish Republic to international isolation, but was mocked by German and Italian decisive and immediate support for the rebel faction.〔(Ángel Viñas, ''La Soledad de la República'' )〕 The subject of volunteers was also much discussed, with little result; although agreements were signed late on in the war, these were made outside the Committee. Efforts to stem the flow of war materials to Spain were largely unsuccessful, with foreign involvement in the Spanish Civil War proving instrumental to its outcome. Nazi Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union consistently broke the agreement they had signed, France occasionally so. Britain remained largely faithful to it.〔Stone (1997). p. 133.〕
==Non-Intervention Agreement==
Non-intervention, and with it the Non-Intervention Agreement, had been proposed in a joint diplomatic initiative by the governments of France and the United Kingdom.〔Beevor (2006). p. 374.〕 It was part of a policy of appeasement, aimed at preventing a proxy war – with Italy and Nazi Germany supporting Franco's Nationalist Coalition right at the onset of the conflict and the Soviet Union supporting the Republican faction four months later – from escalating into a major pan-European conflict.〔Stone (1997). p. 134.〕
On 3 August 1936, Charles de Chambrun, French ambassador to Italy, presented the French government's non-intervention plan; Galeazzo Ciano promised to study it. The British, however, accepted the plan in principle immediately.〔Thomas (1961). p. 257.〕 The following day, it was put to Konstantin von Neurath, the foreign minister of Nazi Germany by André François-Poncet. The German position was that such a declaration was not needed, but discussions could be held on preventing the spread of the war to the rest of Europe, so long as the USSR was present.〔 It was mentioned at the meeting of the French with Neurath that both countries were already supplying the parties in the war, France the Republicans and Germany the Nationalists. A similar approach was made by the French to the Soviet Union.〔 On 6 August, Ciano confirmed Italian support in principle. Despite a ''Pravda'' claim that 12,145,000 roubles had already been sent by Russian workers to Spain, the Soviet government similarly agreed in principle, so long as Portugal was included, and so long as Germany and Italy stopped aid immediately.〔Thomas (1961). pp. 257–258.〕
On 7 August 1936, France unilaterally declared non-intervention.〔Alpert (1998). p. 45.〕 Draft declarations had been put to the German and Italian governments. Such a declaration had already been accepted by the United Kingdom, Belgium, the Netherlands, Poland, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union, which renounced all traffic in war material, direct or indirect.〔Thomas (1961). p. 258.〕 The Portuguese Foreign Minister, Armindo Monteiro, was also asked to accept, but held his hand. An ultimatum was put to Yvon Delbos by the British: halt French exports to Spain, or Britain would not be obliged to act under the Treaty of Locarno if Germany invaded; on 9 August, exports were duly suspended.〔〔Alpert (1998). pp. 45–46.〕 However, collections for food, clothing and medical supplies to the Spanish Republicans continued.〔Thomas (1961). p. 259.〕 On 9 August, the Germans informed the British that 'no war materials had been sent from Germany and none will', which was blatantly false.〔〔See also: German involvement in the Spanish Civil War〕 During the blockade of the Strait of Gibraltar by the Spanish Republican Navy one German Junkers was captured when it came down in Republican territory, and explained as 'merely a transport aircraft'. Its release would be required before Germany signed the Non-Intervention Pact.〔Alpert (1998). p. 44.〕 Portugal accepted the pact on 13 August, unless her border was threatened by the war.〔
There was popular support in both countries for the plan, although whilst in the United Kingdom the socialist Labour Party was strongly in favour,〔Alpert (1998) p. 65 notes that rank-and-file members of the Labour Party may have been opposed.〕 the political left in France wanted to directly aid the Republicans.〔〔Alpert (1998). p. 46.〕 The Labour Party would reject non-intervention in October 1937.〔Preston (2006). p. 143.〕 The British Trades Union Congress was split.〔Alpert (1998). p. 65.〕 A report called the 'Commission of Inquiry into Alleged Breaches of the Non-Intervention Agreement in Spain' was drawn up in London, sponsored by Comintern, and headed by respectable figures.〔 Both the British and French governments were aware of the First World War.〔 France was reliant on British support in general. Léon Blum, the French prime minister, believed that support for the Republic would have led to a fascist takeover in France and ultimately no change in Spain.〔Preston (2006). p. 144.〕
On 5 August 1936, the United States had made it known that it would follow a policy of non-intervention, but did not announce it officially.〔Thomas (1961). p. 260.〕 This isolationism on the Spanish war would later be identified as disastrous by Under-Secretary of State Sumner Welles.〔Preston (2004) p. 145.〕 Five days later, the Glenn L. Martin Company enquired whether the government would allow the sale of eight bombers to the Spanish Republican Air Force; the response was negative. It also confirmed it would not take part in several mediation attempts, including one by the Organization of American States.〔 Mexico soon became the first nation to openly support the Republicans. On 15 August, the United Kingdom banned exports of war material to Spain.〔 Neurath also agreed to the pact, and suggested that volunteers (many of whom would eventually form the International Brigades) be included. Italy similarly agreed,〔 signing on 21 August after a determined diplomatic offensive by Britain and France.〔 Although a surprising reversal of views, it has been put down to the growing belief that countries could not abide by the agreement anyway.〔 Admiral Raeder urged the German government either to back the Nationalists more completely, and bring Europe to the brink of war, or to abandon them. On the 24th, Germany signed.〔〔Thomas (1961). p. 261.〕
The Soviet Union was keen not to be left out. On 23 August 1936, it agreed to the Non-Intervention Agreement,〔Alpert (1998). p. 51.〕 and this was followed by a decree from Stalin banning exports of war material to Spain, thereby bringing the USSR into line with the Western Powers.〔 Soviet foreign policy considered collective security against German fascism a priority〔Stone (1997). p. 137.〕 and the Comintern had agreed a similar approach in 1934.〔Preston (2006). p. 136.〕 It walked a thin line between pleasing France and not being seen to hinder the World revolution and communist ideals. This was also the time of the first significant trials of the Old Bolsheviks in Russia.〔 Soviet press and opposition groups were entirely against non-intervention;〔 Soviet actions could hardly have been further from the goal of spreading the revolution.〔
It was at this point that the Non-Intervention Committee was created to uphold the agreement, but the double-dealing of the USSR and Germany had already become apparent.〔Thomas (1961). pp. 263–4.〕 It also removed the need for a declaration of neutrality (which would have granted the Nationalists and Republicans control over neutrals in the areas they controlled), and had little legal standing.〔Alpert (1998). p. 59.〕 In Britain, part of the reasoning was based on an exaggerated belief in Germany's and Italy's preparedness for war.〔

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